Celebrating the Legacy of Richard K. Taylor, a Lifelong Peace Activist and Humanitarian

Honoring Richard K. Taylor: A Life Dedicated to Nonviolence and Global Justice

Author of NVI's Training Manual Against a Coup D'etat

A long time NVI supporter, Richard K. Taylor, a renowned advocate for peace and social justice, passed away on October 14 at age 91. A lifelong Quaker who later embraced Catholicism, Taylor founded numerous organizations, including the Fair Housing Council of Delaware Valley, Witness for Peace, and the Movement for a New Society. His efforts centered on confronting injustice, promoting equality, and advocating for human rights across the globe, often drawing inspiration from figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr.

Mr Taylor liked to inspire people through music

Throughout his life, Taylor took an active role in challenging U.S. government policies and addressing issues such as housing discrimination, racism, and human rights abuses. He traveled extensively to countries facing conflict, such as Nicaragua, El Salvador, and South Africa, aiming to serve as a "nonviolent deterrent" against oppression. Taylor’s activism spanned multiple decades and included prominent moments like the 1963 March on Washington and the 1971 protests against U.S. policy on Bangladesh, all of which underscored his dedication to global peace and justice.

Mr Taylor and his wife

Taylor was an author of Nonviolence International's Nonviolence Training Manual Against a Coup D'etat. The Spanish version can be found here. Taylor was also a mentor to countless individuals and shared his vision through books, articles, and speeches. His wife, Phyllis, was his close partner in activism, and together they fostered a legacy of community support and inclusion. Taylor’s impact lives on in his family and the many communities he served. Services will be held in his honor at the Germantown Friends Meeting in Philadelphia, with donations encouraged to organizations close to his heart, such as Face-to-Face and the Against Malaria Foundation.

Read the full article from the Philadelphia Inquirer here.

Nonviolent resistance in Palestine is more dangerous than ever — but it’s the only way forward

نحن بحاجة إلى حركة لاعنفية استباقية ذات رؤية واستراتيجية

تاريخ النشر: أكتوبر 9, 2024 10:55 ص

بقلم: سامي عوض*

مترجم عن موقع اللاعنف

أصبحَ السّابعُ من أكتوبر 2023، واحداً من الأيّامِ – مثلَ اغتيال كنيدي أو 11 سبتمبر – الّتي لن ينساها الكثير منّا أبداً. نحنُ نعرفُ أينَ وماذا كُنّا نفعلُ عندما سمعنا الأخبارَ. في صباحِ ذلكَ السّبت، كنتُ متوجِّهاً إلى السوقِ الأسبوعيّ المحليّ للخضرواتِ العضويّةِ في بيت لحم، عندما سمعْتُ أنَّ “حماس” اخترقَتِ الحاجزَ حولَ غزّة ودخلَتْ إسرائيل. عُدْتُ بسرعةٍ إلى المنزلِ، وفتحْتُ قناةَ الجزيرةِ، وبدأتُ في سماعِ تفاصيلِ ما كان يحدثُ. اتصلْتُ بابن عمّي في غزّة، حيثُ تعيشُ عائلةُ والدتي بالكاملِ، وتوسّلْتُ إليهِ أن يجدَ طريقةً للخروجِ. كنتُ أعلمُ أنَّ هذا سيكونُ كارثةً، ولكن بحلولِ ذلكَ الوقتِ كانَ الأوانُ قدْ فاتَ، كانَتِ الأسرةُ عالقةً.

في ذلكَ اليومِ وفي الأيّامِ الّتي تلتْهُ، وبدلاً من التّفكيرِ والتّحليلِ والتّساؤلِ بعمقٍ عن سببِ حدوثِ كلِّ هذا، سارعَتِ الحكومةُ الإسرائيليّةُ ــ الّتي وصفَها العديدُ من مواطنيها بالفعلِ بالفاشيّة ــ بتعزيزِ ما لم تنجَحْ بهِ لعقودٍ من الزمانِ، وهوَ: المزيدُ من الهيمنةِ، حشدُ الكثيرِ من القوّةِ العسكريّةِ، المزيدُ من الدّمارِ تجاهَ الفلسطينيّين، وبثِّ الرّعبِ بين سكَّانِها. وفي غيابِ الوقتِ الكافي للحزنِ على الإسرائيليينَ الّذينَ قُتلوا، أو محاولةِ التّفاوضِ على إطلاقِ سراحِ الرّهائنِ، صَعَّدَتْ قيادةُ إسرائيل من سياستِها، وشوَّهَتْ سمعةَ السكّانِ الفلسطينيّينَ بالكاملِ في غزّة، ووصفَتْهم بأنَّهم “حيوانات بشريّة”، بلْ وحتّى قارنَتِ الهجماتِ بالهولوكوست. واستشهدَتْ بـ “عماليق”، وهوَ إشارةٌ من الكتابِ المقدَّسِ إلى قِصّةِ الملكِ شاول الّذي أمرَ بإبادةِ كلِّ إنسانٍ وحيوانٍ من قبيلةِ عماليق.

إسرائيل لم تفاوِضْ حقّاً من أجلِ السلامِ، بلْ كانَتْ تُفاوضُ من أجلِ الأمنِ والهيمنةِ. سامي عوض

وكانَتِ الهجماتُ على غزّة مدفوعةً بالانتقامِ، الّذي كانَ يحرِّكُهُ شعورُ إسرائيل بالإهانةِ. لقدْ انهارَتْ في غضونِ ساعاتٍ الأيديولوجيّةُ التأسيسيّةُ لإسرائيل، المتمثّلَةُ في أنْ تكونَ وطناً آمناً ومضموناً للشعبِ اليهوديّ الّذي واجهَ قروناً من الاضطهادِ. لقدْ تبيَّنَ أنَّ اعتقادَ إسرائيل بأنَّ بناءَ الجيشِ الأقوى والأكثرَ تقدُّماً من النّاحيةِ التكنولوجيّةِ في المنطقةِ والسّيطرةِ على “الآخر” كوسيلةٍ لضمانِ الأمنِ ليسَ سوى واجهة.

نعم، قدْ تقولون: ماذا عن الماضي؟ ألمْ تكُنْ هناكَ عمليّةُ سلامٍ فشلَتْ أيضاً، ولم يكُنْ هناكَ خيارٌ آخر؟، عندما ننظرُ إلى الوراءِ، إلى عمليّةِ السّلامِ الّتي بدأتْ في تسعينيّاتِ القرنِ العشرين، واستمرَّتْ بالفشل، نرى أنَّ إسرائيلَ لم تكُنْ تفاوضُ حقّاً من أجلِ السّلامِ، بلْ كانَتْ تفاوضُ من أجلِ الأمنِ والهيمنةِ، من موقعِ الهيمنةِ. وكانَ كلُّ شيءٍ “مُعطى” للفلسطينيّين في تلكَ المفاوضاتِ، _حتّى إنشاءِ السّلطةِ الفلسطينيّة_، يهدفُ إلى الحفاظِ على تفوّقِ إسرائيل باسمِ تلبيةِ احتياجاتها الأمنيّةِ ظاهريّاً. واستمرَّتْ مصادرةُ الأراضي الفلسطينيّة لبناءِ المستوطناتِ غيرِ القانونيّةِ، وأصبحَتِ القيودُ المفروضةُ على حركةِ الفلسطينيّينَ أكثَر شدّةً، ناهيكَ عن الجدارِ العازلِ الّذي زعموا أنَّهم بنوه لأسبابٍ أمنيّةٍ، لكنَّهُ أصبحَ هيكلاً دائماً للانقسامِ والسّيطرةِ. وتقلَّصَتْ مسائلُ التحريرِ والحريّةِ والمساواةِ في الحقوقِ والعدالةِ والثّقةِ المتبادلةِ إلى مجرّدِ إيماءاتٍ رمزيّةٍ. إنَّ السّلامَ الحقيقيَّ لم يكُنْ الهدفَ أبداً.

إنّني لا أتحدَّثُ من موقعِ الحكمِ، بلْ مِنْ منطلقِ الرّغبةِ في فهمِ ما حدثَ، حتّى نتمكَّنَ من المُضيّ قدماً. وأتحدَّثُ بصفتي ناشِطاً كَرَّسَ حياتَهُ للسعيّ إلى تحقيقِ العدالةِ والسّلامِ لجميعِ النّاسِ في هذهِ الأرضِ. إنّي أتحدَّثُ كمُتألِّمٍ رأى كيفَ فشلْنا جميعاً في تحقيقِ هذهِ الأهدافِ، وسمحْنا لأحداثٍ مثلَ السابع من أكتوبر/تشرين الأول بالحدوثِ، وشهِدْنا الموتَ والدّمارَ المستمرَّ في غزّة والضفّةِ الغربيّة. إنني أتحدَّثُ بصفتي شخصاً زارَ معسكراتِ الموتِ في أوشفيتز وبيركيناو، وتعلَّمتُ وعرفتُ بعمقٍ معنى الإبادةِ الجماعيّةِ الّتي حدثَتْ في أوروبا وكيفَ خلقَتْ وعياً جماعيّاً بالخوفِ والصدمةِ بين اليهودِ، بناءً على قرونٍ سابقةٍ من التهميشِ والتمييزِ.

بصفتي ناشطاً سلمياً، فقدْ فهمْتُ منذُ فترةٍ طويلةٍ أنَّهُ في نظامِ الهيمنةِ المطلقةِ، فإنَّ الاستجابةَ لأيّ مقاومةٍ _وخاصّةً اللّاعنف_ هي القمع. وهذا ما شهدْناهُ خلالَ سنواتٍ عديدةٍ من مشاركتِنا في الأعمالِ اللّاعنفيّة. لقد شهدْنا جميعاً مسيرةَ العودةِ في غزّة عام 2018 حيثُ قُتِلَ المئاتُ من الفلسطينيّين وجُرِحَ الآلافُ في عملٍ سلميٍّ يطالبُ بحقِّ اللّاجئينَ في العودةِ إلى ديارِهم كما حددتْهُ الأممُ المتّحدةُ. إنَّ اللّاعنفَ يفضحُ أنظمةَ القمعِ وبالتّالي فهوَ يُشكِّلُ خطراً على هذهِ الأنظمةِ. لا أستطيعُ أن أحصي عددَ المرّاتِ الّتي جاءني فيها إسرائيليونَ أو أجانبَ يسألونني لماذا لا يستخدمُ الفلسطينيّونَ اللّاعنف؟ كنتُ دائماً أطلبُ منهم تعريفَ ما يقصدونَهُ باللّاعنفِ قبلَ أنْ أعطيَهم إجابتي. ونعم، كانَ الفرقُ صارخاً.

ضاعفَ الجيشُ الإسرائيليّ من قمعِ المقاومةِ اللّاعنفيّة. وتمَّ اعتقالُ العديدِ من النّاشطينَ الفلسطينيينَ اللّاعنفيينَ في الضفّةِ الغربيّةِ في وقتٍ مُبكّرٍ من أكتوبر ونوفمبر 2023.

في حينِ أنَّ الوضعَ في غزّة الآنَ هو محاولةُ البقاءِ على قيدِ الحياةِ في خضمِّ القصفِ والهجماتِ المستمرّةِ، فإنَّ وضعَ المقاومةِ اللّاعنفيّةِ في الضفّةِ الغربيّةِ على وجهِ الخصوصِ، أصبحَ أكثرَ خطورةً وفتكاً من أيّ وقتٍ مضى. بدافعِ الانتقامِ، والتجريدِ مِنَ الإنسانيّةِ والهيمنةِ، ضاعفَ الجيشُ الإسرائيليُّ من قمعِ المقاومةِ اللّاعنفيّةِ، حيثُ تمَّ اعتقالُ العديدِ من النّاشطينَ الفلسطينيّينَ اللّاعنفيّين في الضفّةِ الغربيّةِ في وقتٍ مُبكّرٍ من أكتوبر ونوفمبر 2023، منهم عهد التّميمي ووالدُها باسم، زعيمُ حركةِ اللّاعنف في فلسطين، الّذي أُطلِقَ سراحَهُ في يونيو 2024، بعدَ تعرّضِهِ للتّعذيبِ. يتمُّ استقبال أيّ عملٍ لاعنفيّ بعنفٍ غيرِ مسبوقٍ مِن قبلِ الجيشِ الإسرائيليّ، أو المستوطنين، الّذينَ تمَّ منحَهم المزيدَ مِنَ الأسلحةِ وحريّةً أكبرَ للانخراطِ في العنفِ ضدَّ الفلسطينيّينَ. كما تمَّ استهدافُ نشطاءَ التّضامنِ الدوليّ، حيثُ أُصيبَتِ النّاشطةُ التركيّةُ الأمريكيّةُ آيسنور إزجي إيجي برصاصةٍ في رأسِها مِن قِبَلِ قنّاصٍ إسرائيليّ الشهر الماضي.

على مدارِ العامِ الماضي، شعرْتُ باليأسِ في كثيرٍ من الأحيانِ، وسألْتُ مراراً وتكراراً “ماذا يمكنُنا أنْ نفعلَ؟”. إنَّ هذا السؤالَ يجولُ في ذهني وفي محادثاتي مع ناشطينَ فلسطينيّينَ وإسرائيليينَ آخرين. وحتّى على المستوى الدوليّ، ورغمَ الاحتجاجاتِ العالميّةِ والاعتصاماتِ والمظاهراتِ الّتي دعَتْ إلى وقفِ إطلاقِ النّارِ _على الأقل_ لوقفِ قتلِ الفلسطينيّينَ الأبرياء، فإنَّ زعماءَ العالمِ، وخاصّةً في الغربِ، لم يردّوا إلّا بتصريحاتٍ مفادُها أنَّ “لإسرائيل الحقَّ في الدفاعِ عن نفسِها”. ويعني هذا أنَّ إسرائيل محقّةٌ في استخدامِ العنفِ دائماً، وهمْ يؤيّدونَ ذلكَ وبالتّالي لن يُغيّروا سياستَهم. وقدْ تمَّ رفضُ العديدِ مِنَ الاحتجاجاتِ العالميّةِ اللّاعنفيّةِ باعتبارِها معاديةً لإسرائيل، أو معاديةً للساميّةِ، بلْ وحتّى قوبِلَتْ بالعنفِ مِنْ جانبِ قوّاتِ الشرطةِ الإسرائيليّةِ.

إنَّ الشعورَ باليأسِ أمرٌ طبيعيّ، ولكنَّ الاستسلامَ ليسَ خياراً. إنَّ التزامَنا باللّاعنفِ لابُدَّ وأنْ يكونَ أقوى مِن أيِّ وقتٍ مضى.

إنَّ الشعورَ باليأسِ أمرٌ طبيعيٌّ، ولكنَّ الاستسلامَ ليسَ خياراً. إنَّ التزامَنا باللّاعنفِ لابُدَّ وأنْ يكونَ أقوى من أيِّ وقتٍ مضى، ولن نتمكَّنَ مِن بناءِ مستقبلٍ أفضلٍ مِن خلالِ قتلِ بعضنا البعض، أو السيطرةِ على بعضِنا البعضِ، والمقاومةُ اللّاعنفيّةُ هي السّبيلُ إلى المضيّ قدمُاً. وقدْ أصبحَ هذا أكثرَ وضوحاً بالنّسبةِ لي مؤخّراً، عندما طُلبَ منّي تقديمَ تدريبٍ في المقاومةِ اللّاعنفيّةِ لمجموعةٍ مؤلّفةٍ من 25 شخصاً همْ مِنَ القادةِ الفلسطينيّينَ الشباب، رجالٌ ونساء في أوائلِ العشرينيّات مِنَ العمرِ. لقدْ جدّدَ انفتاحُهم على إمكاناتِ اللّاعنفِ في نفسي شعوراً بالأملِ لم أشعرْ بهِ منذُ فترة.

لم يعدْ مُمكِناً أنْ يكونَ اللّاعنفُ ردَ فعلٍ رجعيٍّ على العدوانِ، كما كانَ في كثيرٍ من الأحيانِ في الماضي _الاحتجاجُ على مصادرةِ الأراضي، أو بناءُ جزءٍ من الجدارِ العازلِ، أو هدمُ المنازلِ_، لذا يجبُ أنْ يصبحَ اللّاعنفُ حركةً واضحةً واستباقيّةً ذاتَ رؤيةٍ واستراتيجيّةٍ شاملةٍ، تعالجُ العقباتِ الحاليّةِ والمستقبليّةِ لتحقيقِ الحريّةِ والعدالةِ والسلامِ والمساواةِ على هذهِ الأرضِ. يجبُ أنْ تعالجَ أنظمةُ الهيمنةِ والسلطةِ، وليسَ فقطْ أفعالَها. لا ينبغي أن يُنظرَ إلى اللّاعنفِ باعتبارِهِ اختيارَ أولئكَ الضعفاءِ للغايةِ لاستخدامِ المقاومةِ المسلّحةِ، بلْ باعتبارِهِ اختيارَ الأقوياءِ والملتزمينَ والراغبينَ في المخاطرةِ بما هوَ مطلوبٌ من أجلِ التّحريرِ والحريّةِ.

حتّى لو كانَتِ الاحتجاجاتُ والمظاهراتُ مستحيلةً في هذا الوقتِ، فإنَّ تكتيكاتِ اللّاعنفِ وفيرةٌ. إنَّ الاستراتيجيّاتِ الأساسيّةَ المتمثلّةَ في عدمِ التّعاونِ والامتثالِ لابُدَّ وأنْ تصبحَ جزءاً أساسيّاً من المقاومةِ والمرونةِ، ليسَ فقطْ بالنّسبةِ للفلسطينيّينَ بلْ وأيضاً بالنّسبةِ للإسرائيليّينَ والمجتمعِ الدوليّ.

وبشكلٍ خاصٍّ، لابُدَّ وأنْ تنشأَ حركةٌ لاعنفيّةٌ على الجانبِ الإسرائيليّ، تتحدّى بشكلٍ مباشرٍ الإيديولوجيّاتِ الّتي تروِّجُ للخوفِ، والضحيّة، والحصريّةِ، والتفوّقِ، وتجريدِ الآخر من إنسانيّتِهِ. ولابُدَّ وأنْ نجتمعَ معاً لمعالجةِ الخوفِ والصدمةِ من خلالِ خلقِ مساحاتٍ من الثّقةِ المتبادلةِ والاحترامِ، وليسَ الانفصالُ والهيمنةُ والعسكرة. وإذا لم نعالِج الصدمةَ الجماعيّةَ لكلٍّ من الظالِمِ والمظلومِ، فلنْ نحققَ السّلامَ أبداً. إنَّ أولئكَ الّذينَ يتفاوضونَ من مكانِ الخوفِ (سواءٌ أكانَ حقيقيّاً أو متخيّلاً) سوفَ يسعونَ دائماً إلى السيطرةِ على الآخرِ. وعندما تتحدُ القوّةُ المطلقةُ مع الخوفِ المطلقِ، فإنَّ النتيجةَ هي الكارثةُ المطلقةُ، كما نحنُ اليوم.

إنَّ هذهِ الكارثةَ الّتي نعيشُها لا تؤثِّرُ فقطْ على السكّانِ الفلسطينيّينَ، الّذين يعانونَ أكثرَ مِنْ غيرِهِم، بلْ وأيضاً على السكّانِ الإسرائيليّين، الّذينَ سوفَ يدفعونَ ثمناً باهظاً في الأمدِ البعيدِ إذا استمرَّ هذا النظامُ من القوّةِ والخوفِ ــالمعروف أيضاً باسم الفاشيةــ في الهيمنةِ. وعلى الصعيدِ الدوليّ، لابُدَّ أن تنمو حركةُ المقاطعةِ وسحبِ الاستثماراتِ، وأنْ تصبحَ الحملاتُ الراميةُ إلى فرضِ العقوباتِ على أنظمةِ الفاشية قِيماً أساسيّةً. ولابُدَّ مِنْ دعمِ المرشّحينَ السياسيّينَ الّذين يفضحونَ الفاشيةَ. وهذهِ ليسَتْ قضيّةٌ بينَ المسلمينَ واليهودِ والمسيحيين، أو بينَ الشرقِ والغربِ، أو بين البيضِ والبُنيّين، كما يزعمُ بعضُ الساسةِ الغربيّين لإثارةِ الخوفِ في شعوبِهم. بلْ إنَّها قضيّةُ حقوقِ الإنسانِ والكرامةِ والعدالة.

نحتاجُ إلى زعامةٍ – وخاصّةً بين الفلسطينييّن- قادرةٍ على تحقيقِ الوحدةِ والرؤيةِ لشعبٍ منقسمٍ بسببِ نظامِ السيطرةِ الإسرائيليّ والصراعاتِ الداخليّة. سامي عوض

ولكلِّ هذا، نحتاجُ إلى زعامةٍ ــوخاصةً بينَ الفلسطينيّين- قادرةٍ على تحقيقِ الوحدةِ والرؤيةِ لشعبٍ منقسمٍ بسببِ نظامِ السيطرةِ الإسرائيليّ والصراعاتِ الداخلّيةِ. وفي حين نحتاجُ إلى التّضامنِ الدوليّ والإسرائيليّ، فإنَّ هذا لا يعني بالضرورةِ أنَّ إسرائيل قادرةٌ على إلحاقِ الضررِ بالمجتمعاتِ الّتي تعيشُ في حالةٍ من الفوضى.

إنَّ اللّاعنفَ يتطلَّبُ مستوىً عالٍ من الالتزامِ والانضباطِ، ولابدَّ وأنْ يتمَّ الانخراطُ فيهِ كاستراتيجيّةٍ طويلةِ الأمدِ، مع فهمِ أنَّ العديدَ مِنِ المعاركِ سوفَ تُربَحُ، والعديدُ مِنْها سوفَ تُخسَرُ. ولا ينبغي أنْ يُستخدمَ اللّاعنفُ لفضحِ الاحتلالِ فحسب، بلْ وأيضاً لبناءِ مجتمعاتٍ تلتزمُ بقيمِ الحياةِ اللّاعنفيّةِ. ولابُدَّ وأنْ يُشرَكَ المجتمعُ الدوليّ أيضاً في ممارسةِ الضغوطِ اللّازمةِ على جميعِ الأطرافِ للسماحِ بعمليّةِ سلامٍ جديدةٍ، لا تُحرِّكُها الهيمنةُ والخوفُ، بلْ عمليّةٌ تهدفُ إلى التحريرِ الجماعيّ والسّلامِ والعدالةِ والأمنِ للجميعِ. وفي نهايةِ المطافِ، فإنَّ أعظمَ أملٍ لديّ هوَ أنْ أصدِّقَ ما قالَهُ مارتن لوثر كينغ الابن ذاتَ يومٍ: “إنَّ قوسَ الكونِ الأخلاقيّ طويلٌ، لكنَّهُ ينحني نحوَ العدالةِ”.

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سامي عوض ناشطٌ فلسطينيّ في اللّاعنفِ ومديرٌ مشاركٌ للمركزِ الدوليّ للّاعنف. وهو مؤسسُ منظمةِ هولي لاند تراست حيثُ كانَ مديرها لمدّةِ 25 عاماً. حصلَ سامي على درجةِ الدكتوراه في اللّاهوت من معهد شيكاغو اللّاهوتي، ودرجةِ الماجستير في العلاقاتِ الدوليّةِ من الجامعةِ الأمريكيّةِ في واشنطن العاصمة، ودرجةِ البكالوريوس في العلومِ السياسيّة من جامعةِ كانساس.

Reflections on October 6,7 and 8 by Jonathan kuttab

Part 1, a glimpse of Oct 6. A Day of Remembrance

On the one-year anniversary of the genocidal war on Gaza, and in support of the global movement for Every Life, A Universe, I believe it is worthwhile to consider three realities:

The situation on October 6, 2023
What actually happened on October 7, and
What has been happening since that fateful day.

The following article is one of three dedicated to analyzing the realities before, during, and after October 7th, 2023.

Gaza’s Situation on October 6, 2023

US and Israeli media and politicians often speak as if Hamas carried out an unprovoked attack on October 7, which started the current round of hostilities. The reasoning goes that since Hamas started this round, it is responsible for its consequences, no matter how horrible. Israeli actions are seen as a "response," and we are often asked, “How else should Israel have responded? What would you have them do?”

But we first must ask: what was the situation on October 6?

On October 6, Gaza, a small area about 22 miles long and between 5 and 8 miles wide, was packed with 2.3 million Palestinians, two-thirds of whom were refugees and survivors of the 1948 Nakba. Israel was imposing a severe siege on the whole strip (with cooperation from Egypt on the southern border) whereby no people or goods could enter or leave the strip without Israeli approval.

Israel had managed to continue the occupation of Gaza after it withdrew its settlers in 2005, without being physically “on the ground,” except for occasional forays. It controlled the area from the air, sea, and by managing all entrances. This situation mirrored the West Bank, where Israel is still the occupier, but where it has subcontracted internal affairs of the major city centers to the Palestinian Authority, under severe restriction. So too had Israel “subcontracted” internal control of Gaza to Hamas while maintaining external control, frequently invading the area with bombardment and “mowing the lawn” operations.

On October 6, Israel continued to dominate the Gaza strip, with its currency, population register, customs controls, and regime of restrictions. Postal, communications, internet, and fuel services were also strictly under Israel’s control. It doled out permits for all services into and out of Gaza, including fuel, medical supplies, entry and export of food materials, and all other needed goods and services, through a system of extortionist Israeli middlemen.

The short list of goods that Israel permitted to enter Gaza excluded not only “dual function goods” that could serve military as well as civilian uses (such as steel bars and cement), but also innocuous materials such as glass, chocolate, all but one form of pasta and spaghetti, etc. Often the list showed caprice and nastiness, and it seemed to have no logic behind it other than Israel's desire to assert power and control. Fishing, which the Oslo Agreement allowed up to 12 miles out, was also strictly restricted, usually to 6 or 3 miles, and it was often banned altogether.

The de-development of the Gaza strip was so severe that most of its residents were dependent on relief and supplies from UNRWA (the United Nations Relief and Works Agency), whose supplies were also carefully monitored and often delayed or restricted at Israel’s whim. It was commonly known that Gaza was the world’s largest open-air prison, and in 2012 the United Nations announced that Gaza would be unlivable by 2020.

For its part, Hamas tried to join a political process. It changed its charter to be more moderate, announced repeatedly that it would be willing to accept a long-term “hudna” (ceasefire) with Israel, and expressed openness to accept a two-state solution accepted by the majority of Palestinians in an open election. It also supported the brave civil society initiative known as the March of Return, a nonviolent action that was met with brutal savagery as Israeli snipers killed and maimed hundreds of Palestinian unarmed protesters while the world stood silently by.

Attempts were also made to create a joint Fatah-Hamas front and to end the divisions preventing Palestinians from negotiating with one voice, but these efforts failed. Both Hamas and Fatah blamed each other for this, but the US and Israel made it clear they would not allow an end to the schism. Netanyahu openly told Mahmoud Abbas that there would be no relations and negotiations with them if they made peace with Hamas.

As if all this was not enough, Netanyahu was continuously tightening the noose, placing more and more restrictions on Gaza, such as limiting the availability of electricity to a few hours a day through controlling the amount of fuel allowed into its one electricity company .

The Israeli government, dominated by right-wing parties, was also busy with its own problems, from the corruption charges, to the unprecedented street protests, and was also infected with enormous hubris regarding its economic, political, and military superiority over its neighbors. It was not in any mood to offer anything but more restrictions to the people of Gaza. The Gaza Strip was a pressure cooker, so it was no surprise that eventually it exploded.

To understand what happened on October 7, we need to be cognizant of the reality that existed in Gaza on October 6. The prison camp of Gaza was totally unlivable and unacceptable, and it had to end. The world, however, including those concerned with peace and justice, had somehow forgotten about Gaza and neglected its people.

There is much to criticize about Hamas, but one cannot blame them for preparing to fight their enemies and tormentors, or for attempting to break out of their open-air prison. On October 6, the situation in Gaza was truly degrading and intolerable, and the world seemed not to listen or care. Something had to
be done to bring the plight of Gaza back into consideration, and October 7 was Hamas’ answer. In many ways, it was inevitable.

Part II, Oct. 7: What Actually Happened That Day?

On the one-year anniversary of the genocidal war on Gaza, and in support of the global movement for Every Life, A Universe, I believe it is worthwhile to consider three realities:

1. The situation on October 6, 2023
2. What actually happened on October 7, and
3. What has been happening since that fateful day.

The following article is the second of three dedicated to analyzing the realities before, during, and after October 7th, 2023.

When coming to an understanding of the events of October 7, we must ask: what actually happened on that fateful day?

This question is important because of the prevailing political and media narratives. These narratives claim that what Hamas did on that day, apart from being unprovoked, was so heinous and evil that it excused everything that happened next. This allows politicians to claim that the evil of Israel’s genocidal attacks was only a “response” and that blame should be laid squarely at the feet of Hamas. We hear frequently that Israel’s actions were an imperative needed to rid the world of the evil of Hamas.

Since so many of the myths perpetuated about October 7 have been debunked and proven untrue (40 decapitated babies, widespread systematic rapes, and the burning of babies), it is important that we know what actually did happen.

My own observations and research on that question run contrary to the popular narrative. It is important to start with the qualification that I am a pacifist and do not think violence is ever the proper response. However, under international law, an oppressed people has the right to resort to armed struggle, provided it is aimed at combatants, not civilians. However, I personally do not believe violence is the proper or effective way for Palestinians to resist, and I must insist that nonviolence is our best method.

Having said that, it needs to be stated that what happened on October 7 was first and foremost a brilliant military operation. On that day, the severely underresourced forces of Hamas, using largely handheld weapons and homemade explosives, effectively penetrated the high tech walls and fences surrounding them. In over 40 places, Hamas fighters simultaneously breached the fence, attacked and captured two or three army bases, killed over 340 soldiers (by Israeli reports), captured over 40 additional soldiers, and took them to Gaza to use them for prisoner exchange. In addition, Hamas’ attacks caused the collapse of the entire Israeli security system surrounding Gaza, leaving its borders open for angry Palestinian mobs to attack the surrounding Israeli kibbutzim and communities.

In addition to the legal military actions, Hamas also attacked civilians at a music festival that was held about a mile from their enclave. They also overran a number of Israeli civilian settlements, killing residents, and captured about 200 civilians as hostages. Such attacks on civilians and the taking of civilian hostages is clearly contrary to international law and cannot be justified, particularly since among the hostages were elderly people and children who could not be considered combatants under any circumstances. These civilians should have been immediately released without any conditions. In addition, it must be noted, Hamas fired a barrage of primitive rockets at primarily civilian targets, which is also illegal under international law. .

The stunned Israeli forces failed to provide protection to these communities or secure their borders. Instead, under the Hannibal Directive, in order to prevent the taking of hostages back into Gaza, they carried out numerous attacks, mostly by helicopters and tanks. These deadly attacks burned all vehicles moving back towards Gaza. Israel also carried out attacks in the kibbutzim where hostages were being held, killing both Palestinian attackers and Israeli hostages. These attacks killed so many people that the numbers of actual Israeli casualties had to be revised from 1400 to less than 1200, since many bodies had been burnt beyond recognition. It was later discovered that these victims were not in fact Israeli civilians or soldiers, but Palestinians. A recent report said that 28 Israeli helicopter gunships used up all their ammunition and had to return to reload that day.

Every person killed on that day is a universe unto themselves, and such deaths are truly to be mourned, whether soldiers or civilians. Their deaths were the direct results of Hamas’ attack, even if it was Israeli soldiers who actually killed them under the Hannibal Directive. Likewise, the terrifying experience of being captured and held captive for political reasons is never acceptable or justifiable anywhere, anytime. However, I still believe these corrections to the popular narrative are necessary.

Although horrible and unspeakable, false narratives of exaggerated crimes by Hamas and uncertainty about how many of the Israeli civilians were killed by Palestinian mobs or Israeli forces need to be further investigated. This is especially true since the behavior of Hamas has been viewed and condemned as barbaric and is proclaimed to be integral to Hamas’ identity and character. These claims are aimed at justifying the demonization of and subsequent attempts to destroy Hamas. Anything, including civilian structures, institutions, events, and people alleged to be associated with Hamas in any way, was thus proclaimed to be legitimate targets for destruction and annihilation.

What also happened on October 7 was the traumatic collapse of Israel’s vaunted security arrangements, its intelligence apparatus, its constant surveillance, its military doctrine, and its deterrence. The attack triggered past traumas from centuries of antisemitic persecution and the Holocaust, evoking fears of the destruction of Jewish life in Palestine, akin to the destruction of the First and Second Temples. It also triggered fears akin to every settler-colonial movement of the “revolt of the natives.” All these fears and traumas were triggered by October 7 and in many ways enabled the massive and totally disproportionate genocidal response. October 7 was not viewed as another episode in the ongoing conflict with the Palestinians but as an existential event pertaining to the very survival of the state of Israel and the Jewish people as a whole.

Every Life, A Universe,

Jonathan Kuttab, Co-Founder

P.S. Please join the Every Life, A Universe Days of Remembrance by wearing black ribbons/arm bands and attending our 2 remaining days of online events led by Israeli and Palestinian peace heroes!

Part III, Post Oct 7th: The Illogic of Violence in Palestine/Israel

The following article is the third of three dedicated to analyzing the realities before, during, and after October 7th, 2023.

Right after October 7, and under the intense trauma of that day, which has not yet dissipated, Israel announced a number of fateful decisions that continue to govern its behavior to this day, a full year later:

Israel announced that there were no longer any restraints or red lines for military violence. If there was ever actually any respect for rules, standards, regulations, international law, or international public opinion, these were no longer operative. In light of what happened on October 7, everything was allowed, and in fact required, to avenge that defeat and “ensure it never happens again”.
Genocidal language and actions were now the order of the day. Gaza had to be “wiped out” and leveled to the ground. They were “Amalek” (a Biblical reference to a tribe King Saul was ordered to annihilate: men, women, children, and animals, without mercy.) They were announced to be “human animals” and would be treated as such. “They” clearly referred to all Gazans, (and subsequently, others as well). Israel justified cutting off their water, food, fuel, and medical supplies. These statements and actions were carried out at the very highest level and repeated by various officials and leaders: From the Prime Minister, the President of Israel, to the Defense Minister, to journalists and pundits. Violence against Palestinians in Gaza was, and is, celebrated by some Israeli soldiers proclaiming their crimes on their social media accounts. These statements seem to accurately reflect overwhelming sentiment in Jewish Israeli society.
The important distinctions between civilian and military, combatants and non-combatants, were completely erased. This was accomplished with a variety of excuses, first ignoring Hamas’ political and civil institutions and organizations, then making the claim that Hamas was embedded in the civilian population and used their own civilians as “human shields.” These excuses continued with bogus claims that military command centers were located under hospitals, universities, mosques, and other civilian structures. By always claiming, without proof, that they have accurate intelligence information, Israel totally erased the distinction between civilian life and military targets. Preventing access by independent foreign journalists while hunting down local journalists made the message clear: Israel’s version of events was not to be challenged or fact-checked. It should be noted that detailed investigations following the 2008-2009 and 2014 conflicts by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations Human Rights Council, have failed to find a single documented case of any civilian deaths caused by Hamas using human shields.
The full power of destructive weapons and advanced technology was used against the whole population in Gaza. 2000-pound bombs were dropped in the midst of a densely-populated area, and even on tent encampments, with horrendous results. Artificial Intelligence (A.I.) programs such as Lavender were used to provide algorithms that generated a bank of hundreds of “targets” daily which could be destroyed with missiles, artillery, armed drones, quad-copters, and tanks, usually from afar. They were enhanced by such cruel A.I. programs as Daddy’s Home to ensure that whole families of “targets” would also be wiped out.
Populations were ordered to move around, leave their homes en masse, on short notice, and be crowded into smaller and smaller “safe areas,” which were in turn bombed and attacked. There seemed to be no limit or restraint on the violence used. This same tactic is now being used in Lebanon. On Wednesday, October 2nd, Israel “ordered” the evacuation of 30 towns and villages in Lebanon, including villages north of the Litani River and Nabatiyyah, the 6th largest city in Lebanon. Those who refused to move were told they would be presumed to be terrorists or sympathizers and risked being shot or bombed just for staying in their homes.
Powerful friends abroad, particularly politicians and media in the United States, were enlisted to support the Israeli narrative. These powerful figures sought to prevent and fight calls for ceasefire and de-escalation, protect and provide impunity against international accountability for Israel, and label all those who tried to challenge Israel and its actions as enemies and antisemites.
Goals were announced for the military campaign, such as “total victory” and the utter destruction of Hamas and its governing structures, that were impossible to realize and that ensured that the war would continue almost indefinitely. What Israel initially announced would last a few weeks has continued for one year, and there is no end in sight. Running out of ammunition, which occurred in the first few weeks, was remedied by an apparently limitless resupply from the United States, and a commitment to continue doing so.
Worst of all, the very thought of peace and resolution of the conflict with Palestinians was removed entirely from the conversation. A full year after October 7, there is no discussion of resolving the Palestinian Question. On July 18, the Israeli Knesset overwhelmingly rejected any possibility for a future Palestinian state. No peace process, no negotiations, no vision of anything other than continuing conflict and reliance on military power alone. The issue for Israel is no longer fear of expanding the conflict but seeking ways to ensure that it expands and escalates further. Beginning on October 8, the current government made a fatal choice for Israel: it will live by the sword, and it may end up dying by the sword.

On October 7, I thought naively that the horrible events of that day may offer an opening for direct negotiations between Hamas and Israel, where parties could exchange hostages and prisoners and begin a genuine conversation about a lasting, just peace. I also thought that the utter collapse of the High-Tech Wall and of Israel’s “security doctrine” could lead to a re-evaluation of militarism and a move towards diplomacy and reconciliation. I was very wrong. Instead, we saw a doubling down on military solutions, a determination to use power and more power, a rejection of all calls for ceasefire, de-escalation, and negotiations, a shrinking of the Israeli “peace camp,” and a grim, vengeful determination to use overwhelming force and force alone. The principles established by Israel on October 8 are now the principles that guide it in Gaza, Lebanon, the West Bank, and perhaps also Iran and elsewhere.

The saddest thing about the current situation is that all parties are now thinking only in military terms. No one is thinking of “what makes for peace,” but only about how to inflict greater pain, loss and destruction on the other side.

Those of us who care about justice and peace, who care about Palestinians, Israelis, Lebanese, and other human beings, need to break out of the paradigm being imposed on us by one interpretation of October 7 and return to basic principles: Justice, fairness, human rights, international law, and seeking that which makes for peace, rather than war. We must find a way, with a commitment to active nonviolence, to maintain our hope in a better future for all, rather than despair, despondency, and surrender to the dark logic of violence and hatred.

Every Life, A Universe,

Jonathan Kuttab, Co-Founder

EVERY LIFE, A UNIVERSE

End the Suffering: Global Days of Remembrance and Action

October 6, 7, and 8

#EveryLifeAUniverse

Nonviolence International invites you—communities, congregations, institutions, and individuals throughout the world—to commemorate the one-year mark of October 7th in a way that renews our resolve for justice and peace. Let us remember and honor the sacredness of every life, grief for those lost over decades of violence and oppression, and acknowledge those who are in pain today: those who have lost loved ones, are injured, abducted, displaced, whose homes have been destroyed, and who suffer from hunger and illness.

Through our grief and remembrance, let us renew our commitment to never give up on justice and peace between Palestinians and Israelis

As we reflect on the motto, "Every Life, A Universe," we find a profound and unifying message rooted in both the Torah and the Qur’an, sacred texts that elevate the inherent dignity and value of each individual life.

Torah Foundations: Every Life, A Universe
In Jewish tradition, the Torah teaches that to save a life is to save an entire universe. This principle, derived from Leviticus 24:17 and echoed in the Talmud, reflects the immense value placed on human life. Each person has the potential to impact the world in immeasurable ways, and thus the loss of a life represents the destruction of that potential. When we honor the motto "Every Life, A Universe," we are reminded of the Torah’s call to cherish and protect life, recognizing the ripple effect each person has on the broader fabric of humanity.

Qur'anic Foundations: The Sanctity of Every Soul
The Qur’an echoes this sentiment in Surah Al-Ma’idah (5:32), stating that "whoever kills a soul... it is as if he had slain mankind entirely. And whoever saves one—it is as if he had saved mankind entirely." In Islam, this teaching reinforces the sacredness of every life, emphasizing that the well-being of one individual is intrinsically linked to the well-being of the whole of humanity. The Qur'an invites us to see every person as a part of the larger whole, making the preservation of life a communal responsibility.

We invite you for three days of remembrance and action by doing the following:

Wear a black ribbon or armband during these days. We want to see people all around the world, in our cities and towns, workplaces, and educational institutions, wear black ribbons or armbands in order to create the collective consciousness of grief for lives that haven been lost. You are also welcome to write "Every life, a Universe" on your ribbons or armbands.
Organizing community vigils, sit-ins, sharing circles, walks, events, fundraisers, days of fasting, and humanitarian efforts for each of the days;

On October 6th, you are invited to remember the decades of the past and decry the mistreatment and suffering of Palestinians caused by Israeli policies of expulsion, imprisonment, apartheid, siege, and occupation.

On October 7th, you are invited to remember and decry the violent attacks by Hamas and others, including the hostage-taking, and the death of over 1,000 Israelis in a single day.

On October 8th, you are invited to remember and decry the launch and continuation of Israeli attacks on Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, the killing of over 40,000 individuals, the injury of over 80,000, the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilians and the abduction of thousands from their homes and families.

Here is the Youtube video of how the global online event happened on October 6th:

Here is the Youtube video of how the global online event happened on October 7th:

Here is the Youtube video of how the global online event happened on October 8th:

Use the hashtag #EveryLifeAUniverse on your social media, change your profile picture to the our event's black ribbon attached below, and share your activities on the following Facebook page so others can join you and for all of us to know what you are doing on the Facebook Event Page.

Join us in your own way to say that violence, whether in defense or for liberation, is not the answer. Only nonviolence, which dismantles systems of oppression and violence and calls for collective justice and equality, will ensure that Israelis and Palestinians can live together in safety, peace, and justice.

Goals:

To create global momentum that transcends the dichotomy of right versus wrong and unites us in a collective call to end all suffering. Our aim is to move forward toward achieving peace and justice for everyone.
We seek to establish a unified ritual space where we can come together to acknowledge and process the past. This includes confronting grief, grievances, and the structures and systems of oppression that have perpetuated suffering across decades.
Our objective is to reframe the Israeli-Palestinian crisis in a way that fosters a shared vision of equality, justice, and reconciliation. By doing so, we hope to encourage and mobilize collective actions to end the suffering.
We want to remind everyone that we are the change-makers we have been waiting for. If we don't act now, the suffering will continue and intensify.

Please read a short article by our co-director, Sami Awad, about Oct 7th with a focus on nonviolence, which can be found on Waging Nonviolence.

You can join our facebook event page and add your event there

Explore our Tool Kit on how to participate in the Global Days of Remembrance and Action, filled with actionable steps and resources: Tool Kit

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We are not alone in our commitment to honoring Every Life, A Universe. Others Every Life A Universe share our vision, working toward the same goal of celebrating human dignity and fostering peace. We encourage you to learn more about their efforts as we continue to grow our collective impact.

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"Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing and right doing, there is a field. I'll meet you there." —Rumi

PALESTINE'S FUTURE HAS TO BE DIFFERENT!

Watch the recording of the Q&A Panel Discussion on
In Conversation: "Humanity in Gaza" Revisited

Recording

Please share this information and flyers with your family, friends, neighbors, and community.

Invitation to an Online Film Salon
Sunday, October 20, 2024

The Past and the Present Tell Us:
Palestine’s Future has to be Different!

Two documentaries from the early 1980s provide visual evidence of the colonization, apartheid, and military systems Israel uses to maintain domination. Each of the scenes from 40 years ago has a corollary in the present and poses questions about the future related to dispossession, subjugation, inter-generational trauma, resistance, right of return, reparations, and self-determination. The two films also offer first-hand testimonies, reminding us that for decades the Palestinian people have been telling the world about their plight, to little avail. Our salon will discuss the issues that have remained consistent over time, what’s new about the present moment, and what we must do to bring about a just future.
Watch the curated videos for free at your convenience. Join the Q&A discussion with:

Aline Batarseh: executive director, Visualizing Palestine; co-editor, Visualizing Palestine
Salim Tamari: senior fellow, Institute for Policy Studies; former director, Institute of Jerusalem Studies
Sami Awad: co-director of Nonviolence International, founder of Holy Land Trust
Mitchell Plitnick (moderator): president, ReThinking Foreign Policy; co-author, Except for Palestine

You must register to join the discussion & receive links to the videos:

Tinyurl.com/VFHL-October2024
Watch the Trailer: Tinyurl.com/VFHLtrailer10-2024

How this will work:

1 - Register here for the Voices from the Holy Land Online Film Salon: Tinyurl.com/VFHL-October2024

2 – Once you register, you will get a confirmation email from Zoom with a link to the meeting and a link with to watch the film. (Save this confirmation letter as the meeting link is unique to your email and you must have this to participate.)

3 - Watch the film at your convenience before the event. Then join us with your thoughts and questions for our speakers at the Q&A Discussion on Sunday October 20, 2024, at 3 pm ET/ 12 noon PT.

Please share this announcement with your friends, family, and community. Download the event flyer and post it to your social media.

Download the event flyer here. (Download the jpg version here)
Download information about the Panelists and moderator here. (Download the jpg version here)

Don't forget to watch recordings of previous Online Film Salon recordings in their entirety here, including for the July 21, 2024 Online Film Salon In Conversation: Humanity in Gaza, Revisted. An article in the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs on the April Salon on Repairing Gaza’s Disintegrated Mental Health System can be found here. Read about Looking Beyond the Headlines, our May Salon here.

Co-Sponsors

Palestinian American Research Center

United Church of Christ - Palestine Israel Network

SUPPORTER Organizations:: Israel/Palestine Mission Network of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) Palestinian Christian Alliance for Peace Quaker Palestine Israel Network Unitarian Universalists for Justice in the Middle East Indiana Center for Middle East Peace Disciples of Christ Palestine-Israel Network Virginia Coalition for Human Rights Mennonite Palestine Israel Network Friends of Sabeel North America Center for Jewish Nonviolence Episcopal Peace Fellowship Palestine Israel Network Northern New Jersey Jewish Voice for Peace United Church of Christ Palestine Israel Network Pace e Bene Nonviolence Service Churches for Middle East Peace Kairos Puget Sound Coalition Pax Christi USA Jewish Voice for Peace – San Diego Gaza in Context

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UN adopts ground-breaking Pact for the Future. Join us live from the Summit

THE ANTI-EACOP PROTEST IN UGANDA

Direct Action by Solidarity Activists to Break the Siege

URGENT ACTION: Advocate Now for Justice in Palestine

The excruciating need for UCP in Palestine has just become very personal. Our friend and colleague Amira Musallam is a member of the assessment team that is just completing their context analysis and recommendations on how to deploy a large scale UCP action in Palestine.

Amira and her family AT THIS MOMENT have been thrown off their land in the West Bank! On Wednesday, armed settlers backed by the police (a.k.a. Israeli Defense Force) tried to evict them from their land in Beit Jaia. Amira and her family refused to leave. A few activists joined them in nonviolent resistance. When the Israeli soldiers arrived, the family presented their land deed, but the soldiers ignored it and sided with the settlers. The soldiers claimed they had a court order for eviction but could not produce it. The soldiers then used violent force to remove her family and the activists providing unarmed civilian protection (UCP).

Since then, Amira, her family and more volunteers providing UCP have arrived each day. On Friday the Israeli Army used stun grenades to clear them and started arresting members of Amira’s family. Dan Boneh, a 74-year-old veteran of the Israeli army who was providing UCP on Friday, reported:

They removed the protestors by force to the joy and laughter of the settlers who remained inside, and locked the gate. Now we are outside the so-called closed military zone but they still decided to throw shock grenades at us, for no apparent reason…I fought in Israel’s war as a soldier in the IDF. I am ashamed to see how the IDF and the Israeli police have become so politicized clearly supporting the settlers agenda to displace the Palestinians.

Amira’s family holds a deep connection to their land and its necessity for their livelihood. In 2012, they built a home and restaurant on their property. However, in 2019, the Israeli army arbitrarily demolished both. In 2023, settlers challenged the family’s ownership, and the family overcame them by obtaining their land deed through the Israeli court. The family has remained steadfast since and continues to farm their fields. AND NOW THIS!

Amira, her family and the unarmed civilian protectors will not leave. They need your support. And this is just one of thousands of examples of how the war is escalating in the West Bank as well as Gaza.

What can you do?

Contact your Representatives, Senators, Members of Parliament, or any relevant governmental authority. Share Amira’s story, and demand that they:

Call their State Department or Foreign Ministry about Amira's situation and demand that their Embassy in Israel intervene immediately.
Sponsor or support legislation designed to:
- Stop Israeli expansion on the West Bank
- Ensure an immediate ceasefire in Gaza
- Stop any further arms shipments to Israel (if you are from the US, UK, Germany or Italy.)

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Updates-A Story of Realistic Hope