Sudan’s Nonviolent Revolution is Being Undermined by the US

By Stephen Zunes who thanks the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict for supporting his research.

NVI's longtime Director, Michael Beer, has provided advisory support for Dr. Zunes in his Sudan research.

Reposted from Inside Arabia 

Sudan’s Democratic Revolution is Being Undermined by the United States

Sudan’s Democratic Revolution is Being Undermined by the United States

Sunset over the Blue Nile river and downtown Khartoum with its Corinthia hotel and GNPOC Tower, Khartoum, Sudan (Photo Arik Alojants)

Last year’s nonviolent pro-democracy revolution in Sudan which brought down the brutal 30-year dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir and the subsequent military junta inspired the world. Few popular uprisings in history faced such extremely difficult circumstances and few displayed the kind of courage, tenacity, and effective strategy by pro-democracy activists which led to their victory.

Unfortunately, the United States has been pursuing policies which almost seem designed to destroy Sudan’s fragile democratic experiment.

Since August 2019, Sudan has been ruled by a sovereign council made up of six civilians and five members of the military, along with a cabinet of liberal civilian technocrats headed by Prime Minister Hamdok, a former economist with the United Nations. Elections are scheduled for 2022 to give time for civil society, decimated under the Bashir regime, to reemerge and strengthen. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and other rights have been restored.

For the democratic revolution to succeed, the civilian-led government must have legitimacy in the eyes of enough Sudanese.

The Sudanese people have twice before—in 1964 and then again in 1985—risen up in unarmed civil insurrections which toppled dictatorships and established democratic governance only to have the military again seize power several years later. Few people believe the military will not try again. For the democratic revolution to succeed, the civilian-led government must have sufficient legitimacy in the eyes of enough Sudanese for the people to be willing to defend it if threatened. Even if the military is unable to completely overthrow the civilian leadership, chronic economic problems could lead autocratic elements in the armed forces to further assert their influence within the ruling coalition.

A critical factor will be whether the civilian-led government is able to revive the economy which, even prior to the pandemic, was struggling with inflation, a weakening currency, and a foreign debt more than twice the country’s annual GDP.  Jonas Horner, a Sudan specialist with the International Crisis group noted, “If the civilians within the government look like they are unable to respond to Sudan’s myriad problems, that leaves space for other actors to pour into the vacuum.”                               

The single biggest obstacle to Sudan’s economic recovery is the continued US economic sanctions.

The single biggest obstacle to Sudan’s economic recovery is the continued US economic sanctions, which—as is the case with U.S. sanctions against Iran—not only impacts trade with and investment from the United States, but from other countries and multilateral entities as well. Despite Sudan now being led by secular civilians inexorably opposed to terrorism and Salafist extremism, Washington still officially lists Sudan as a “state sponsor of terrorism.” Most absurdly, the United States is holding Sudan’s transitional government responsible for crimes committed by Al-Qaeda, not only when al-Bashir was providing the terrorist group sanctuary in Sudan between 1991 and 1996, but for terrorist attacks which took place in 1998 and 2000 after they had been expelled.

Prime Minister Hamdok, in an address before the UN General Assembly this past fall, noted: “The Sudanese people have never sponsored, nor were supportive of terrorism. On the contrary, those were the acts of the former regime which has been continuously resisted by the Sudanese people until its final ouster. These sanctions have played havoc on our people, causing them untold misery of all types and forms. We, in the transitional government, call on the United States of America to take Sudan off the list of State Sponsors of Terrorism and not to continue punishing the Sudanese people for the acts committed by that vicious regime, especially that our people have been victims of and courageously resistant to.”

Sudan’s inclusion as a state sponsor of terrorism requires the US to block loans from international financial institutions.

In addition to prohibiting any economic assistance, Sudan’s inclusion as a state sponsor of terrorism requires the United States to block loans and other assistance from such international financial institutions as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, prohibits US citizens from engaging in financial transactions with the government without approval of the Treasury Department, denies individuals or companies tax credit for income earned, and bans duty-free imports, among other restrictions.

Furthermore, if a country is on the list of state sponsors of terrorism, they no longer have diplomatic immunity from families of terrorist victims who file civil lawsuits in the United States. US policy is that the civilian government of Sudan must pay billions of dollars in compensation to these families in order to be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism regardless of the fact they no longer sponsor terrorism. The paradox for Sudan is that they can’t be immune from being sued as long as they are on the list and they can’t be removed from the list unless they pay damages from the lawsuits.

Sudan agreed to pay $30 million USD to the families of sailors on the USS Cole killed in a 2000 Al-Qaeda attack.

In one step towards getting themselves removed from the list, the government agreed to pay $30 million USD to the families of sailors on the USS Cole killed in a 2000 Al-Qaeda attack on the Navy destroyer in Aden Harbor, along with wounded survivors. More significantly, the United States has demanded that the civilian-led government pay up to $10.2 billion USD in compensatory and punitive damages for the 1998 bombings of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, though negotiations are under way that could significantly lower the amount Sudan would need to pay.

Sudan’s projected budget revenue for 2020 is only $12.63 billion USD. The civilian-led government has few options, however. The International Monetary Fund ranks Sudan as the world’s 14th poorest country out of 186 nations. (Meanwhile, the United States – the world’s wealthiest country – refuses to pay compensation for crimes committed by its government against Iraq, Vietnam, or other countries, including Nicaragua, which the International Court of Justice ruled in 1986 that the United States needed to pay reparations for damages from attacks against its civilian infrastructure.)

Despite desperate needs in health, education, and infrastructure, as much as 70% of the country’s budget went to the armed forces.

Despite desperate needs in health, education, and infrastructure, as much as 70% of the country’s budget while under military rule went to the armed forces. With a huge backlog of domestic needs now facing the civilian government and a foreign debt more than twice its annual GDP, Sudan is still required to repay. It is hard to imagine how Sudan could afford to give this kind of money to the United States.

Punishing Sudanese for the crimes of others is nothing new. Following the 1998 embassy attacks, the United States bombed a large pharmaceutical plant in Khartoum North, falsely claiming it was a chemical weapons factory controlled by Al-Qaeda. While no one was killed in the precision nighttime missile attack, the destruction of the facility—which produced over half of Sudan’s vaccines and antibiotics—likely contributed to thousands of deaths in the subsequent months.

A critical factor in stabilizing civilian rule in Sudan is ending the rebellions in Darfur, the Blue Nile, and South Kordofan regions.

A critical factor in stabilizing civilian rule in Sudan is ending the rebellions in Darfur, the Blue Nile, and South Kordofan regions where tenuous ceasefires are now in place but frequently threaten to break down. There are many complicated factors to be worked out, but peace will also cost hundreds of millions of dollars in order to demobilize and reintegrate rebel fighters, reform the security sector, and provide economic support for these desperately poor regions, which the previous military regime spent huge sums to suppress but almost nothing to develop. Meanwhile, there are more than two million displaced people from these conflicts needing assistance. According to Magdi el-Gizouli, a fellow at the Rift Valley Institute, “The great risk is that Sudan cannot even afford a peace process.”

Most immediately, ongoing US sanctions have made it difficult for the Sudanese to fight the coronavirus. In April, the World Bank approved a $1.9 million USD emergency fund for 25 developing counties along with plans to spend as much as $160 billion USD through mid-2021 to fight the pandemic. However, the US policy of vetoing international financial institutions from providing even humanitarian support forced the World Bank to exclude Sudan from this critical funding effort to fight the pandemic.

The US policy of vetoing humanitarian support forced the World Bank to exclude Sudan from its funding effort to fight the pandemic.

Cameron Hudson of the Atlantic Council has noted lifting the sanctions is a “crucial ingredient in Sudan’s long-term recovery and in its hopes of ushering in a civilian-led, democratic regime.” However, according to Hudson, the process of removing Sudan from the list of state sponsors of terrorism “involves an interlocking network of legislative processes, legal rulings, financial settlements, intelligence assessments, and, most of all, politics, to unwind this ultimate tool in America’s sanctions arsenal.”

To further punish Sudan’s efforts for a democratic transition, the United States announced in February that it was ending migration visas from Sudan, effectively making immigration from that country impossible.

Even prior to Trump, the United States has long supported autocratic regimes in both the Middle East and Africa.

Even prior to Trump, the United States has long supported autocratic regimes in both the Middle East and Africa and has maintained particularly close relations with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. These countries are strong supporters of the conservative military officers who ruled Sudan between Bashir’s ouster and the August 2019 agreement allowing for a civilian-led government, and whom many believe would still like to see the military regain control. A large bipartisan majority of the US Congress supports sending $1.7 billion USD annually to prop up the Sisi dictatorship in Egypt and supports large-scale subsidies for arms transfers and military training to the wealthy absolute monarchies in the Gulf, while refusing to provide any relief for the impoverished democratic Sudan.

The Sudanese not only suffered over 30 years of brutal dictatorship, the United States is effectively punishing them further for having overthrown that dictatorship. The Sudanese people are being held responsible for the crimes of a military regime against which millions struggled for decades at enormous sacrifice and finally succeeded in removing last year. The resulting economic crisis is crushing the optimism Inside Arabia reported on just a few months ago, on February 26.

It’s unclear why there is so much hostility coming out of Washington for Sudan’s democratic struggle. Trump’s fondness for authoritarians is well-known. Depicting Arab, African, and Middle Eastern countries as chronically violent and teeming with angry extremists with a propensity toward terrorism helps reinforce the perceived need for the United States to intervene militarily and to back authoritarian governments and occupation armies. Though there’s no direct evidence to suggest this is conscious policy, downplaying pro-democracy movements and undermining democratic governments does play a function in justifying such policies.

Perhaps acknowledging Arab, African, and Muslim peoples embracing a passionate desire for freedom and democracy doesn’t fit the Western narrative.

During a background briefing at the US embassy in Khartoum back in January, this writer got the strong impression from officials there that they assumed Sudan’s democratic experiment would fail, essentially seeing the country as too poor, too divided, and with too many problems to overcome through democratic governance. This underscores that perhaps acknowledging Arab, African, and Muslim peoples having agency, thinking strategically, engaging in effective nonviolent action, and embracing a passionate desire for freedom and democracy simply doesn’t fit into the Western narrative. Regardless of the motivation, the United States seems to be doing what it can to get this remarkable democratic experiment to fail.

It may be difficult to mobilize public opinion in the United States to force a change in policy amid the pandemic and ongoing struggles against racial injustice and other inequities domestically, yet international solidarity in support of the Sudanese people is no less important now than it was during their struggle against dictatorship.


Dr. Stephen Zunes is a Professor of Politics and International Studies at the University of San Francisco, where he serves as coordinator of the program in Middle Eastern Studies. Recognized as one the country’s leading scholars of U.S. Middle East policy and of strategic nonviolent action, Professor Zunes serves as a senior policy analyst for Foreign Policy in Focus project of the Institute for Policy Studies, an associate editor of Peace Review, and a contributing editor of Tikkun.


For a quick post about a mural in Sudan thanking Stephen Zunes and NVI's longtime Executive Director Michael Beer, please see: https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/sudan_mural

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The publication represents a significant milestone in the application of Nonviolence International’s Tactical Database. By categorizing judicial resistance actions such as public demonstrations, digital campaigns, and legal challenges, the framework provides a comprehensive lens to analyze these efforts. This integration underscores the database’s versatility, offering insights into how nonviolent tactics can effectively safeguard institutional independence.

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Read the whole publication here: All Rise: Judicial Resistance in Poland

The Future of Unarmed Civilian Protection in Palestine and Western Sahara

Global Civilian Intervention to Colonial Occupation – Webinar 

International intervention is being requested by Palestinian and Saharawi groups to help protect them from the violent occupiers.  The US and most European States support or acquiesce to the Israel and Morocco illegal occupations and their repression of the residents. To fill the vacuum, international groups and tourists are helping.   Are you interested in learning and maybe even being part of the historic and ongoing efforts of unarmed solidarity and civilian protection in Palestine and Western Sahara?On Thursday, November 21, we hosted a powerful and inspiring webinar exploring unarmed civilian protection (UCP) efforts in the occupied territories of Palestine and Western Sahara. Experts and activists shared firsthand insights into the critical role of international solidarity in supporting self-determination and defending human rights. 📺 Missed it?

The discussion addressed the challenges of colonial occupation, settler violence, and repression faced by Palestinians and Saharawis, as well as how international groups are stepping up to fill the vacuum left by state inaction. Attendees gained a deeper understanding of the decades-long movements in these regions and explored ways to engage in these historic efforts.

Our distinguished panel included:

  • Huwaida Arraf (International Solidarity Movement & Freedom Flotilla)
  • Mel Duncan (UCP Palestine – an NVI project)
  • Mahmoud Zawahre (Palestinian Human Rights Defender)
  • Wynd Kaufmyn (International Solidarity Movement & Western Sahara UCP)
  • Khattari Elbaillal (Western Sahara Information Center)
  • Daniel Roth (Center for Jewish Nonviolence)

We delved into parallels between the Israeli Apartheid Wall in Palestine and Morocco’s 2,700km-long occupation wall in Western Sahara, emphasizing the importance of applying principles of self-determination and human rights universally.

Join us in amplifying the voices of the oppressed and advancing the global movement for justice and solidarity!

UNARMED CIVILIAN PROTECTION: LATEST UPDATES AND DEVELOPMENTS FROM PALESTINE

Winter Solidarity Visit: 19-Day Program in the West Bank

Dates: December 19, 2024 – January 5, 2025
Organized By: Rabbis for Human Rights and Solidarity of Nations – Achvat Amim
Application Deadline: November 18, 2024, 11:59 PM EST

The Winter Solidarity Visit is an intensive 19-day program aimed at fostering meaningful connections and support for Palestinian communities facing increasing displacement due to settler and state violence in the West Bank. This transformative initiative blends education, volunteerism, and direct action, offering participants an opportunity to learn, engage, and act for justice and human rights.

Program Highlights:

  • Community Engagement: Work alongside Palestinian farmers, shepherds, and activists to gain a deeper understanding of their lived realities under occupation.
  • Educational Workshops: Learn from human rights experts, international law specialists, and grassroots organizers.
  • Solidarity Actions: Participate in hands-on activities supporting vulnerable communities, showcasing solidarity through presence and action.
  • Interfaith Learning: Explore Jewish traditions and cultural history in the context of justice, equity, and peace.

Who Can Apply?
This program welcomes students, educators, activists, and anyone committed to justice and equality. Whether you're traveling internationally or residing locally, you'll join a diverse group living communally and working together for co-resistance.

Mission and Vision:
Rabbis for Human Rights and Achvat Amim aim to combat violence, racism, and inequality, emphasizing the values of justice and peace central to Judaism. Participants will connect with long-standing partnerships to empower communities and drive change through collaborative and adaptive efforts.

Why Join?

  • Contribute to the growing movement for nonviolent resistance.
  • Gain firsthand insights into the occupation and its impacts.
  • Build lasting relationships with those working toward a just future.

For more details or to apply, visit Rabbis for Human Rights or Achvat Amim.



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Andrey X: A Voice for Solidarity and Justice in Palestine

Unarmed civilian protection is about courage, solidarity, and the power of nonviolence to resist oppression. Among those embodying these principles is Andrey X, a Russian Jewish journalist and activist who has become a steadfast ally in Palestine.

Fleeing potential persecution in Russia, Andrey arrived in Israel with the hope of freedom and safety. Yet, he quickly turned his attention to the injustices in the occupied Palestinian territories. With a journalist's keen eye and an activist's unwavering commitment, Andrey immersed himself in the struggles of Palestinian communities, particularly in the West Bank.

Operating in areas like the village of At-Tuwani, Andrey documents and resists the daily challenges faced by Palestinians, including settler violence, military harassment, and systemic displacement. His reports and protective presence not only shine a light on these injustices but also serve as a shield for vulnerable communities, embodying the essence of unarmed civilian protection.

Andrey's activism is a powerful reminder of the role international allies can play in supporting nonviolent resistance. By amplifying the voices of those under occupation and standing alongside them, he demonstrates how individuals, regardless of background, can contribute to the global pursuit of justice and peace.

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CJNV Volunteers Support Palestinian Farmers During Olive Harvest Amid Settler Attacks



The olive harvest  in the Palestinian village of Burin in the West Bank
In recent days, CJNV (Center for Jewish Nonviolence) has been actively supporting Palestinian farmers during the olive harvest in the West Bank. During the harvest in Burin, masked settlers, armed with sticks, descended from the nearby Givat Ronen outpost and disrupted the harvest. They stole seven tarps and the olives on them, while throwing rocks at the families and international volunteers present. Despite this aggression, no one was injured. CJNV volunteers remain committed, ensuring the safety of Palestinian families and documenting these violent acts.
In another incident near Masafer Yatta, soldiers arrived while Palestinians were picking olives. Fortunately, the farmers managed to leave the area safely without any injuries, thanks to the support of international volunteers.
CJNV continues its efforts to protect Palestinian communities and document settler violence during this critical olive harvest season.
Source: CJNV updates on social media tweet on X

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Palestinian woman shot and killed by Israeli occupation forces’ bullets while picking olives in Jenin

 

JENIN, October 17, 2024 (WAFA) A 60-year-old woman was shot and killed by Israeli occupation forces in the village of Faqqu'a, northeast of Jenin, on Thursday.

The director of the Red Crescent Society in Jenin, Mahmoud al-Saadi, said that the society's crews transferred a 60-year-old woman who was killed after being shot in the chest with live ammunition to the hospital

The woman was shot by Israeli occupation forces while she was picking olives with her family in the area near the separation and expansion wall built on the lands of the village of Faqqu'a.

The olive harvest season in the West Bank this year is witnessing repeated attacks by settlers and occupation forces, such as burning and cutting down olive trees, stealing the crop, and preventing farmers from reaching their lands.

This morning, colonists opened fire on participants in an event organized by the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission to help farmers from the village of Kafr al-Labad, east of Tulkarm, pick olives from their lands.

UN experts said yesterday that farmers in the occupied West Bank are facing the most dangerous olive season ever this year.

They added that Palestinian farmers are subjected to intimidation, restricted access to land, severe harassment and attacks by armed settlers. They considered that restricting the olive harvest season, destroying orchards and blocking access to water sources are attempts by Israel to expand its illegal settlements. source

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US military veteran arrested by Israeli forces in occupied West Bank

Michael Jacobsen was accompanying a Palestinian farmer in Masafer Yatta when he was arrested and threatened with imprisonment

17th of OCT. 2024: A United States military veteran was arrested by Israeli forces while accompanying a Palestinian farmer in a village in the West Bank, according to the International Solidarity Movement (ISM).

Michael Jacobsen was in the Palestinian village of Masafer Yatta in the Hebron governorate when he and other activists as well as Palestinian land owners were approached by Israeli soldiers on Thursday morning.

The ISM said the farmer Jacobsen was accompanying was facing "daily harassment, attacks, and invasions of his private land by Israeli settlers and occupation forces".

The soldiers demanded their identification and later Israeli police were called, who arrested Jacobsen and took him into custody at an interrogation centre.

Police told the US citizen's lawyer that Jacobsen was “endangering the public due to provocation of disturbances” and accused him of entering the country illegally because they suspected him of supporting the Palestinian-led Boycott, Sanctions, and Divestment (BDS) movement.

He was threatened with "imprisonment and deportation if he did not leave the country immediately", according to the ISM, and he chose instead to leave for Jordan.

The news of Jacobsen's arrest in the occupied West Bank comes as Israeli forces have on multiple occasions targeted American and other international activists in the area who assist Palestinians in protesting against Israeli settler encroachment.

Israeli settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank has soared since the beginning of Israel's war on Gaza last October.

In June, the United Nations reported that Israeli security forces and Israeli settlers have killed more than 500 Palestinians in the West Bank since the war began.

The United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Volker Turk, said in a report that the cases of these killings showed "consistent violations of international human rights law on the use of force by the ISF (Israeli security forces) through unnecessary and disproportionate use of lethal force and an increase in apparently planned targeted killings".

In August, Israeli forces shot American citizen Amado Sison in the leg while he was at a demonstration held in Beita, a Palestinian village near the occupied West Bank town of Nablus.

Then, nearly one month later in September, Turkish and American national Aysenur Ezgi Eygi was shot dead by Israeli forces in a demonstration in the same village of Beita.source

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In Memory of Ziad Abu Helil: A Pillar of Peaceful Resistance and Tribal Leadership



On October 7, 2024, Ziad Abu Helil, a prominent Palestinian leader and peace activist, was killed following a brutal raid by Israeli forces on his home in Dura, south of Hebron. Ziad, affectionately known as the "Icon of Resistance," was a key figure in advocating for Palestinian rights through peaceful means while also standing as a symbol of tribal integrity and conflict resolution in his community. His legacy will continue to inspire those committed to justice and peace.

Ziad's contributions to Palestinian society and beyond were manifold. As the tribal elder (Mukhtar) of Dura, he worked tirelessly to mediate and resolve conflicts within his community, playing a vital role in maintaining social cohesion. His peaceful approach extended beyond local concerns as he engaged actively in nonviolent resistance against the Israeli occupation. He was present in various peaceful protest actions, including in the village of Al-Araqib in the Naqab Desert and the Bab Al-Shams encampment near Jerusalem. His steadfastness made him a symbol of resistance, courage, and unity.

Ziad’s famous phrase, “بيهمش" (It doesn’t matter), uttered when confronted by Israeli soldiers accusing Palestinian children of throwing stones, embodied his unflinching resolve. He continually advocated for the rights of Palestinians to peacefully resist oppression, even in the face of violence and injustice.

His last public action—a demonstration to retrieve the bodies of Palestinian women held by Israeli forces—was a testament to his unwavering commitment to justice. His leadership in this protest, despite threats and arrests, successfully pressured Israeli authorities to reconsider their policies.

Nonviolence International honors the memory of Ziad Abu Helil as an exemplar of nonviolent resistance. His leadership, courage, and dedication to his people are a reminder of the power of peaceful action in the face of immense adversity.source

 

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The Flotilla ships currently being prevented from leaving port by the Turkish Port Authorities



On September 12, Freedom Flotilla has announced that the demonstration to release the Flotilla ships currently being prevented from leaving port by the Turkish Port Authorities, continues in Istanbul. and they are calling for help;


We need your help in getting international media to cover this historic protest and help put pressure on the government to release the ships, ensuring we can sail towards Gaza.


HOW TO HELP:

1. Call, email, and/or demonstrate at Turkish embassies and consulates and demand that the Freedom Flotilla ships be released and allowed to deliver aid to Gaza immediately.

2. Tag mainstream accounts in this post or when you share our photos to your stories.

3. Message the social media page of the Ministry of Transport and Foreign Affairs @tcdisisleri & @uabakanligi on IG and on X

4. Share our videos using the hashtags #WeWillSail and #LetThemSail tagging @tcdisisleri and @uabakanligi

#WeWillSail #LetThemSail #TheFreedomFlotilla #FFC #Istanbul #Turkiye #Turkey #mavimarmara



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Aysenur Ezgi Eygi Killed While Peacefully Protecting Palestinians

Nonviolence International has long supported third-party nonviolent action around the world and in Palestine/Israel through training, research, fiscal sponsorship, and advocacy.  NVI strongly encourages well-meaning visitors, delegations, and organized solidarity accompaniment and co-resistance to go to Palestine/Israel. This page highlights some of the many activities by courageous international people and groups in Palestine/Israel who seek to protect civilians and human rights.

On September 3, 2024, Aysenur Ezgi Eygi traveled to the occupied West Bank to join the unarmed civilian protection (UCP) group, the International Solidarity Movement (ISM)/Faz3a. According to her family, she felt a deep responsibility to stand with Palestinian civilians facing ongoing repression and violence, particularly from settlers. On September 6, 2024, while attending a peaceful protest in Beita, Eygi was tragically shot in the head by an Israeli soldier. Source.

 

A photo of Aysenur Eygi during her graduation.

Aysenur Ezgi Eygi was born on July 27, 1998, in Turkey and raised in Seattle, Washington. She graduated from Seattle Central College in 2022 with an Associate’s degree in Art and completed her Bachelor’s of Arts degree in Psychology with a minor in Middle Eastern Languages and Cultures at the University of Washington in June 2024. She was actively involved in pro-Palestinian activism and was considering pursuing graduate studies in Near Eastern archaeology.

Nonviolence International, an organization dedicated to promoting nonviolent resistance and human rights, strongly condemns the killing of Eygi. We express deep outrage at the violent suppression of peaceful protests towards both Palestinians and internationals. This tragic incident underscores the dangers faced by activists advocating for basic human and civil rights in the occupied territories. Nonviolence International reaffirms its commitment to supporting peaceful activism and standing in solidarity with those resisting oppression.

Please call on the United Nations, Turkey, and the United States of America to launch independent investigations and to take measures to protect everyone.

To support our partners involved in UCP in Palestine, please visit the following:

https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/ucpnp_partner

https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/ffc_freedom_flotilla_coalition

https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/cjnv_partner

ISM Palestine

Faz3a

 

 

Interfaith Collaboration at COP29: Lessons and Opportunities

Faith as a Catalyst for Climate Action

Last week, 250 individuals, including Mubarak, founder of Nonviolence International, united in a monumental moment by endorsing the faith-driven appeal titled Protecting Our Common Climate System: Earth Governance for a Sustainable Future. This document, shaped by principles rooted in global faith traditions, calls for transformative governance to address the climate crisis.

Mubarak’s involvement reinforces the organization's commitment to fostering global cooperation and sustainable peace through environmental justice.

 

 

Key Messages

  1. Global Climate Governance:
    • The current reliance on national-level commitments is insufficient in the face of the climate emergency.
    • A cooperative, fit-for-purpose global governance structure is needed to manage the Earth’s climate as a shared system.
    • The document proposes a UN Declaration of Planetary Emergency, complemented by a Planetary Emergency Platform and Action Plan.
  2. Faith-Based Principles for Climate Action: The appeal draws upon universal values shared by religions and philosophies:
    • Protection of Creation: Urgent action to safeguard the Earth's ecosystem and climate system.
    • Reciprocity/Equity: Advocating for intergenerational fairness and establishing Institutional Representatives of Future Generations.
    • Justice/Fairness: Ensuring equitable use of resources, recognizing the human right to a healthy environment, and promoting environmental justice mechanisms such as an International Court for the Environment.
    • Social Responsibility: Supporting the creation of a Fossil Fuel Treaty to phase out fossil fuels while addressing global inequities.
    • Guardianship/Earth Trusteeship: Proposing better governance models for global and national commons.
  3. Proposals for Action:
    • Adoption of governance frameworks inspired by principles like the Golden Rule and the Rights of Nature.
    • Support for establishing the role of a UN Special Envoy for Future Generations and repurposing the UN Trusteeship Council to govern global commons.
    • Strengthening environmental law to include ecocide as a crime under the International Criminal Court (ICC).
  4. Call to Action:
    • The appeal invites individuals, organizations, and states to endorse these principles and highlights the importance of collective responsibility in ensuring a sustainable future.

Educational Takeaway

This appeal bridges the gap between faith-based values and actionable climate policies, making it a vital document for those seeking holistic approaches to environmental governance. By integrating spiritual and ethical dimensions, it provides a unique roadmap for inclusive and equitable climate solutions.

Further Engagement

The document also directs readers to resources, campaigns, and proposals for deeper understanding and active participation in the movement for Earth governance.

 

Full Document

UN

PAX 

International Environmental Forum

 

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