Disarming During the COVID-19 Outbreak
By Connor Paul
With the novel coronavirus, COVID-19, continuing to rapidly spread across the US, cities all around the country are taking precautions to prepare for prolonged confinements at home. As people ready their living spaces for self-quarantine and social distancing, they are making last-minute trips to the store to stock up on essentials–groceries, medicines, cleaning supplies, disinfectants, and...guns? While sectors of our nation’s economy are struggling to get by, from the airlines to bars and hotels to professional sporting leagues, gun and ammunition companies are not only surviving the economic meltdown but profiting immensely.
Even as stocks across various industries continue to plummet with the crisis worsening, some of the biggest publicly traded gun and ammunition companies have seen the value of their shares rise in the past week. According to Champe Barton of The Trace, an American independent nonprofit journalism outlet devoted to gun-related news, the stocks of American Outdoor Brands (the parent company of Smith & Wesson), Vista Outdoor, and Sturm, Ruger & Co., have all seen a significant rebound in value over the past week that far-outpaces all their competitors. From March 10th through March 17th, American Outdoor Brands’ stock price increased over 40 percent, larger than any other company in the Electronic Technology sector. Within the Consumer Durables sector, Vista Outdoor and Ruger shares more than tripled the increases made by their closest competitor.
The situation on the ground in many states supports the data evidenced above. Long-lines wrap around blocks from California to Oklahoma as potential gun purchasers engage in panic buying. Gun and ammunition proprietors are detailing huge influxes of customers, specifically first-time buyers. David Stone, who with his wife, runs one of the oldest gun shops in Oklahoma, notices the lack of research by potential customers before they are making purchases. “Some people come in and they just want an AR-15. They don’t care what the brand is, they just want the cheapest one,” Stone recently told NPR. In his store alone, gun sales are up roughly 20% and ammunition sales have increased by anywhere from 400% to 500%. Online gun and ammunition retailers have thrived just as much, if not more, than their in-store counterparts. According to both NPR and CNN International, Ammo.com increased its sales by 68% over the past month. And websites like Armslist.com are bundling packages of non-perishable food, medical supplies, and semi-automatic weapons as “corona virus preparedness kit.”
Even as “gun fever” grips the US once again, as it seems to do in times of crisis or gun legislation debate, we here at Nonviolence International are proud to stand in solidarity with our fiscally sponsored partners Control Arms (CA) and the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA) as leading advocates for disarmament. It is now more important than ever to speak out against the increased patronage of the gun and ammunition industry given the Trump administration's efforts to systemically weaken restrictions on gun and small arms purchases since he assumed the presidency. One of the most concerning actions taken by the Trump administration to reduce our country’s compliance with arms control measures was the withdrawal from the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). The ATT is the first legally binding and internationally recognized treaty that regulates worldwide arms trade for all of the 105 ratifying nations. Since the treaty entered into force in 2014, CA has published leading research through its ATT Monitor reports on the implementation of and compliance with the ATT. And while the limitation of arms sales at the international level is critical to the solution, it is just as important to promote restrictions on weapons purchases at the national and local levels.
But before we dive into the risks and dangers of this current increase in gun ownership we are witnessing, we want to assure everyone that fear and anxiety during these uncertain times are natural emotions. This pandemic is something that few of us have experienced during our lifetime (unless you were alive during the 1918 Influenza pandemic). We also have few precedents to follow when formulating solutions. But the most important thing we can all do is to act rationally and responsibly to best protect ourselves, our loved ones, and our communities.
In these times of uncertainty and distress, the best protections we can embrace are our local first responders who are still patrolling and protecting our communities the same way they were before this crisis emerged. Even under new stay-at-home orders, police officers, firefighters, and EMT responders will all continue to operate regularly and uphold the law to the fullest capacity. If you are buying into the hysteria that widespread looting and rioting will eventually arise, you are neglecting the important role that our first responders maintain in enforcing our laws and ignoring the swift justice that will be brought to anyone who takes advantage of the current situation to engage in vigilante justice. If you or someone you know is still truly troubled by the fear of an outbreak of violence or looting, the best thing they can do is to call their local police department, fire station, or first responders’ non-emergency number (DO NOT CALL 9-1-1) and ask for the best measures they can practice to ensure the safety of themselves and their loved ones. Our first responders’ number one priority is to make us feel safe and secure as the coronavirus will not change their responsibilities or capabilities in enforcing the safety of our communities.
In addition to relying on the support of our local first responders, we must also rely on ourselves to make smart, rational decisions. When you go to the gun store to load up on ammunition or buy a weapon to protect yourself, you are potentially putting your health and the health of the many people you encounter at risk by going out to purchase non-essential goods. The main thing that we need to be focusing on is the strict enforcement of the recommended practices of social distancing, self-isolating, and self-quarantining to limit the spread of the virus. If we follow these recommended practices, there is no need to worry about having a weapon to protect yourself from others. And if you are choosing to go out to pick up essential purchases with a weapon on-person, I recommend you research your states concealed carry laws as most states require a permit to bring a weapon out in public. With the closure of most non-essential businesses, our first responders can patrol and monitor higher volume businesses, like grocery stores and pharmacies, with much more vigilance. If you think it is necessary to unholster a weapon during a fight over the last roll of toilet paper at your local grocery store, it is you who will probably be the one who ends up arrested. Rather than resort to violence and weapons, it is even more critical at this point we come together as humans and embrace the values of compassion, empathy, generosity, hope, optimism, and nonviolence. If you come across another patron reaching for the last bundle of toilet paper just as you are, perhaps instead of grabbing for it and arguing, you offer to split the rolls with them equally. And maybe if it’s a mother or father with children, you even offer to let them have some of your rolls knowing their need is greater than yours. Working together to come up with solutions is going to get us through this crisis on both the macro and micro levels of society.
Last, and most dishearteningly though, are the deaths and unnecessary injuries that will significantly rise from the increased ownership of guns and ammunition. As stated earlier, a huge portion of recent gun purchasers are first-time buyers with little knowledge of how to operate, assemble, disassemble, clean, or store a weapon. There will be plenty of people who mistakenly fire their newly purchased guns as they familiarize themselves with its functions and parts for the first time. But what is even scarier is the effect that this increasing gun ownership will have on the people who are in proximity to newly minted gun owners. As the period of self-isolating and social distancing lengthens, boredom will only continue to rise. Children will explore more of their living situations and will probably come across more guns. A lot of these guns may be poorly stored and unlocked because of novice gun owners’ lack of knowledge and experience. People may also see the leisure activity of shooting as entertainment, especially in more rural areas where new gun owners might not employ the most rigid safety precautions. However, the most chilling stories we will see involve the inevitable rise of domestic violence, accidental shootings, and suicides. The Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health cites multiple studies, revealing that states with high-gun ownership percentages had firearm-suicide rates roughly double the rate of firearm-suicides in low-gun ownership states, even though non-firearm suicides between the two types of states were essentially equal. Moreover, researchers at the University of Indianapolis reported that for every 10% increase in household gun ownership rates, there is a corresponding 13% increase in domestic firearm homicides. Ironically, if you live with any other people: mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers, significant others and friends, even your pets; you are putting their lives in more danger by bringing a weapon into the house. To go out and purchase a gun or load up on ammunition is counterintuitive for securing the safety of yourself and everyone else in your living space, especially as we prepare to enter a prolonged period of confinement.
The outbreak of the novel coronavirus has pushed our government, our economy, and our society to a fragile state that few of us have ever seen or endured. To combat this massive existential threat, we will need to focus our collective energy on doing what is essential to provide safe living spaces and good health practices. Is going out to your local ammunition store to purchase a weapon or inviting your friends over to practice shooting essential? Absolutely not. What is essential right now and for the indefinite future is that we work together, we obey the rule of law, we limit our exposure to others as much as possible, we maintain safe contact from a distance through all the advances technology has given us, and we rely on our first responders. We will already face enough tragedy from the coronavirus in the coming weeks and months, we need not endure more heartbreak from increasing gun violence. So, rather than holstering your guns, just hold off on buying them completely.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not reflect any official policies or positions of NVI or any of our fiscally sponsored partners.
The United States Institute of Peace just posted this wonderful new piece.
See an excerpt below and read the full piece on their site.
Nonviolent Action in the Time of Coronavirus
Popular movements are confronting the challenge of how to practice social distancing while still acting to advance their demands. By Jonathan Pinckney and Miranda Rivers
How Popular Movements are Pivoting
Today’s activists are already putting this lesson to good use by broadening their tactics to focus on actions that don’t involve concentrating mass gatherings. For instance, in Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters have been gathering signatures for an online petition, and organized Hong Kong’s largest-ever medical workers strike, with more than 9,000 health professionals refusing to work until the government improved its coronavirus response. And in Brazil, millions of people are participating in a massive nonviolent action against President Jair Bolsonaro by coming to their windows at a specified time and banging pots and pans together.
One critical part of this tactical diversification has been moving activism from the streets to online. While online activism has long been an important complement to real-life action, with public gatherings off the table many activists are making it a much more central aspect of their activities. In Israel, over half a million people joined a Facebook Live online protest of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to adjourn the Knesset in response to the coronavirus emergency. Members of the global climate movement are keeping the movement alive through digital protests, posting pictures of themselves holding protest signs in their homes. The climate activists are hoping #ClimateStrikeOnline, #DigitalClimateStrike and other online initiatives will continue to build the movement and keep climate change on the agenda of national governments and world leaders.
On a more strategic level, movements have also used the COVID-19 pandemic as an opportunity to provide services for the general population, to be proactive on health and safety even when governments refuse to and to reveal inequities in the existing health and economic systems. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, where the health system has finally gotten under control a series of deadly Ebola outbreaks, the citizen’s movement LUCHA has urged the government to strengthen its response to COVID-19. These measures include the creation of provincial-level committees of public health experts equipped with adequate resources to address the crisis and ensuring everyone's access to water and hygienic products. In Senegal, social movements have also pressured the government to increase the robustness of its response, and launched a campaign to improve social solidarity to fight the virus. Y’en a Marre, a group of Senegalese rappers, students, and other youth, released a music video spreading awareness about the virus and necessary safety precautions. In Nicaragua, a coalition of movements working to bring democratic change, has created a coronavirus emergency committee after criticizing the government for their insufficient response to the crisis.
As the global pandemic crisis continues to evolve, movements’ plans and tactics will evolve as well. The dominance of the street protest as a central tactic of nonviolent action may make this evolution difficult. But the need to shift within the broader range of nonviolent action tactics is also an opportunity for creativity and growth, as activists, just like the rest of us, are forced to innovate in response to a changing world.
Read the full important and timely article on USIP's site.
David Hart
In this time of crisis, it is vital that we focus our attention on those who are most in need. This has long been a central guiding principle of active nonviolence.
Recently, I had the great joy of being on a call with a religious leader who is carrying on the grand tradition of nonviolent witness and action - Rev. William Barber. He is among the many leaders of the Poor People’s Campaign whose vision is needed now more than ever.
Rev. Barber calls on us to, “Take a collective oath that we won’t be silent anymore. When we get a handle on this virus, we won’t return to our apathy that has for far too long ignored the moral crisis of poverty and the racial disparities that mark American inequality.
Take time in this moment to let it change your insight forever, so that from now on we can see how connected we are, how frail we are, and how easily our lives can be disrupted. We cannot go back to business as usual.”
Rev. Barber’s prophetic words ring true. Now more than ever we must transform our society from a thing center view to a people and planet first approach. This is not new, but it is more urgent in this moment than ever before. We could and should have acted decades ago to build a more just and sustainable society. We still can take this moment to create the deep transformational change that is so clearly needed.
Our good friends at the Metta Center for Nonviolence recently hosted a fascinating conversation online and are now releasing a series of short videos capturing key parts of that discussion. In the video below, the great Professor Clayborne Carson, whose seminal work on MLK should be read by all who want to understand the power of nonviolent action, reflects on Gandhi and King’s shared commitment to those at the bottom of the social order. Please watch this short video and ponder what this calls on us to do in this time of the global COVID 19 crisis. What does this mean for each of us personally? What does it mean for active nonviolence in 2020 and beyond?
2 cases of COVID-19 in Gaza were confirmed by Palestinian officials on Sunday, March 22. Two patients returning to Gaza from Egypt were identified as having COVID symptoms and have since been isolated in the border town of Rafah. 
A webinar co-hosted on Monday, March 23, by CODEPINK and our fiscally sponsored partners We Are Not Numbers and Freedom Flotilla Coalition described the situation on the ground as worrisome and panicked. Due largely to the blockade of Gaza, COVID has taken longer to spread to Gaza than other areas of the world, but now that cases have been identified panic is beginning to spread. The government has thus far responded by limiting gatherings of people and suspending schools.
However, the medical infrastructure in Gaza is incredibly tenuous and cannot handle a large influx of patients due to the spread of COVID. Capacity in hospitals is limited to the hundreds, advanced medical equipment such as ventilators are sparse, and electricity is unpredictable. Should the virus continue to spread in Gaza, the results will be devastating.
And spread is likely. The vast majority of Palestinians lack access to clean water that can be used to effectively wash one's hands. With 2 in 3 Palestinians living below the poverty line, quarantine is simply not an option for most of society. Daily work is required to provide the bare necessities of life. If quarantined, people will be unable to feed themselves or their families. Further, Gaza is only 365 square-kilometers, yet is packed with 2 millions people. In such an environment, it is practically impossible to practice the necessary levels of social distancing.
To make matters worse, Israel has only provided Gaza with 200 COVID tests kits for their 2 million population. With the ability to test only .01% of the population, it is impossible to know how far COVID has already spread.
Still, the people of Gaza will not give up. Raed Shakshak of We Are Not Numbers stated in Monday’s webinar that he has faith that the more fortunate will help their neighbors and society will band together as best they can. But without the proper medical infrastructure to manage a pandemic, the situation is critical. You can read more from Raed in his recent article on COVID in Gaza.
Protests against the occupation of Gaza have grinded to a halt in response to the pandemic. This includes our partner organization’s, the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, plans to once again attempt to break the blockade of Gaza. In addition to the health risks associated with the extensive travel this mission would require, the leaders of the Freedom Flotilla Coalition want to direct fundraising to organizations that can directly aid the humanitarian response to COVID in Gaza. This unfortunately means their plans to send a flotilla to Gaza in May have been suspended. They, as well as all of us at Nonviolence International, hope we can provide resources to groups who are best able to save lives on the ground.
Once such organization is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) which already has infrastructure in place to provide such resources. Although recent funding cuts from the United States have made it more difficult for this organization to be effective, additional funding would allow it to ramp up its current efforts.
We want to thank CODEPINK, We Are Not Numbers, and the Freedom Flotilla Coalition for all of the information provided in their webinar. This is a critical situation that needs to be closely monitored. We hope to check into future webinars to follow up on the situation on the ground.
If you would like to get involved, consider donating to UNRWA or another organization on the ground in Gaza. Further, fill out CODEPINK’s petition to the World Health Organization and United Nations, encouraging them to take action. If you are a US citizen, CODEPINK can assist you in reaching out to your Senators and Representatives on this issue.
Although there is a long road ahead, we at Nonviolence International truly believe there is always hope in hard times, particularly when we focus on our shared humanity. May we band together to help those in Gaza.
Images courtesy of We Are Not Numbers.
International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War is a non-partisan federation of national medical organizations in 64 countries, representing tens of thousands of doctors, medical students, other health workers, and concerned citizens who share the common goal of creating a more peaceful and secure world freed from the threat of nuclear annihilation.
IPPNW was founded in 1980 by physicians from the United States and the former Soviet Union who shared a common commitment to the prevention of nuclear war between their two countries. Citing the first principal of the medical profession—that doctors have an obligation to prevent what they cannot treat—a global federation of physician experts came together to explain the medical and scientific facts about nuclear war to policy makers and to the public, and to advocate for the elimination of nuclear weapons from the world’s arsenals.
IPPNW received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985.
Celebrating 30 Years of Nonviolence International
Professor Abul Aziz Said
Check out this video produced by our friends at Nonviolence International NY.
Abdul Aziz Said co-founded Nonviolence International in 1989 and devoted his life to inspiring students to promote peace and global understanding.
This video is part of a series celebrating our proud history and calling us to do even more in the years to come.
Please check back for more.
Our good friends at Beautiful Trouble just posted this wonderful piece on Waging Nonviolence, an impressive project that got its start as a fiscally sponsored partner of NVI.
We celebrate their loving and irreverent approach to this challenging moment. See excerpt below and read the full piece on Waging Nonviolence.
HOLY SH*T! 7 things to do instead of hoarding toilet paper
We’re facing down a global pandemic. If you find yourself saying “Holy shit! What do I do?!” you’re not alone.
A renegade bug is showing how deeply broken our system is. Beyond the absolutely critical tasks of taking care of yourself, harm-reduction, social distancing, hand-washing, and looking out for those around us who are most struggling, we must also make that brokenness plain.
We do not get to choose the historic moments we are born into, but we do get to choose how we respond. And as we recover, and put our world back together, we have a chance to put it back together differently and better.
In that spirit, we’ve done a roundup of the most creative and effective social movement responses to COVID-19, filtered through seven of the most relevant tools from the Beautiful Trouble toolbox, with links to resources compiled especially for this moment:
Read the full important and timely piece on Waging Nonviolence.
By Stephen Zunes who thanks the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict for supporting his research.
When the turbulent and often tragic history of the past decade in the Middle East and North Africa is written, the 2019 pro-democracy revolution in Sudan will likely be considered one of the few bright spots. One of the world’s most brutal dictatorships—in power for over 30 years—was overthrown in a massive nonviolent civil insurrection involving millions of Sudanese, and a liberal technocratic civilian administration put into place. Whether civilian democratic rule will survive the serious challenges still facing the country remains to be seen, but for now a key question is: how did they do it?
One of the world’s most brutal dictatorships was overthrown in a massive nonviolent civil insurrection, and a liberal technocratic civilian administration put into place.
Sudan did not fit into what some Western analysts see as the conditions for a successful pro-democracy civil resistance movement. The regime was thought to be too oppressive, too entrenched, and too successful in their divide-and-rule tactics of the large and ethnically heterogeneous nation. Their reactionary Islamist rule disempowered women. Civil society had been decimated under the three decades of military rule and the Sudanese people were seen as too impoverished, uneducated, and isolated. Over five million of the country’s brightest, most educated, and most ambitious potential leaders had emigrated. Wealthy Gulf monarchies were helping to prop up the military regime. And most of the West had largely written off Sudan as a hopeless case.
Despite this, starting in December 2018, a movement emerged which eventually brought millions of Sudanese into the streets. By April 2019, General Omar al-Bashir was overthrown by fellow military officers. Protests continued and, despite hundreds of additional deaths, by August the military stepped down in favor of a civilian-led transitional government.
The reasons for their success appear to include the following:
There was precedence: Long before the Arab Spring, the Eastern European revolutions, and other popular democratic uprisings which caught the world’s attention, the Sudanese had toppled dictatorships in 1964 and 1985 through massive civil resistance campaigns.
One advantage was that some of the main elements of the repressive apparatus of the regime—the police, intelligence, military, and special forces—were divided, and the opposition did an excellent job of exacerbating those divisions and using them to the movement’s advantage. Another factor was that the African Union and the Europeans were on the movement’s side, thanks in part to efforts of the exile community and others to mobilize their support. An additional factor was that business people, even those who had supported the ruling party, realized that—for the sake of the economy and therefore their own self-interest—they had to end their support for military rule and support democratic governance.
The Sudanese regime was also simply incompetent. The economy was in shambles.
The Sudanese regime was also simply incompetent. The economy was in shambles. Education, transport, health care, agriculture and other basic infrastructure had deteriorated significantly during their three decades in power. They had lost the southern third of the country along with most of the oil reserves when South Sudan became independent in 2011. International sanctions added to chronic corruption and mismanagement in weakening the economy of an already impoverished nation. Despite its brutality, the state was in many respects weak. Young Sudanese had had enough. They felt they had no future and they had nothing more to lose.
More important was what happened on the ground. A critical factor was the scope and the scale of the movement. Unlike some civil insurrections—which were almost exclusively in the capital with mostly middle class support—the Sudanese revolution took place all over country, in all the different regions, with diverse class and ethnic participation. Professional associations played a key leadership role, but popular resistance committees were also active in even the poorest neighborhoods. Indeed, the ability to build such a broad coalition of forces was vitally important, given the size and complexity of the country.
For decades, the regime tried to divide Sudanese by North and South, Arab and non-Arab, Muslim and non-Muslim. The pro-democracy protesters recognized that national unity was critically important and consciously resisted efforts at divide-and-rule.
For example, though historically in the Arab-dominated part of the Sudan, greater Khartoum is a multi-ethnic urban area, as those from minority regions fleeing violence and poverty have flocked to the capital area. When the protests began, the regime tried to blame the uprising on Furs, the people indigenous to the Darfur region who have been subjected to a genocidal campaign by the regime. In response, the largely-Arab but multi-ethnic protesters began chanting “We are all Darfur!” In solidarity, protesters in Al Fashir, the Darfur capital, started chanting “We are all Khartoum!”
Related to this diversity was the strong participation and leadership by women, which not only helped increase the numbers of protesters, but provided a perspective that encouraged nonviolent discipline.
Related to this diversity was the strong participation and leadership by women, which not only helped increase the numbers of protesters, but provided a perspective that encouraged nonviolent discipline, democratic process, greater credibility, and better popular perception of the movement and its goals. Under al-Bashir’s rule, women had been severely repressed in terms of dress codes, employment, and even the ability to leave home without the accompaniment of a close male relative. A frequent theme illustrated in murals, signs, and elsewhere during the revolution involved the Kandaka, a matrilineal dynasty of powerful queens from the first millennium BCE. It served as an inspiration for women and a reminder that the ultra-conservative interpretation of Islam, which severely circumscribed their rights was not inherent to Sudanese history or culture.
Perhaps the single most important factor was nonviolent discipline. Remaining nonviolent despite enormous provocation made it difficult for the regime to depict the movement in a negative light. Nonviolence gained the movement sympathy it would have otherwise lost through violent tactics and made it possible for people to feel more comfortable joining the protests, thereby increasing their numbers.
The opposition stressed the importance of maintaining nonviolent discipline not out of any moral commitment to nonviolence per se, but because of an understanding that tactically and strategically it was the best way they could win. If they had used violence, the regime would always have the advantage. By choosing what amounted to a different weapons system—peaceful protests, sit-tins, strikes, and more—they were unable to depict the protesters as terrorists who would bring violence and chaos.
The Sudanese opposition had engaged in violent struggle previously. Beginning in 1993, operating out of bases in Eritrea, an armed guerrilla movement was launched but it never got far, failing to provoke a more widespread popular uprising. The rebellion formally ended in 2005. Similarly, repression against the civil insurrection of 2013 resulted in many protesters fighting back and was crushed within days after scores of civilian deaths.
Recognizing that both armed struggle and rioting played into the regime’s hands, the opposition recognized that nonviolent discipline was critical.
Recognizing that both armed struggle and rioting played into the regime’s hands, the opposition recognized that nonviolent discipline was critical.
Importantly, the pro-democracy movement did not stop when al-Bashir was pushed aside by the military in April. Unlike in Egypt, where the opposition naively trusted the military, the Sudanese demanded they step down and allow for civilian leadership. A result was the June 3 massacre, causing well over 100 deaths. But this seemed to underscore to the military that they would have to engage in massive violence to suppress the rebellion which would discredit them further and put them in an even more untenable situation.
There is still much to do to consolidate democracy and civilian rule in Sudan. Though civilians dominate the transitional government, the military and other elements of the old guard are still part of the system.
The toppling of al-Bashir and his military backers is still an amazing accomplishment, however. It demonstrates that whatever the structural obstacles may be, good strategic thinking and tenacity by a popular opposition movement can ultimately win. This should be a lesson to those struggling for greater political freedom and social justice through the greater Middle East. Indeed, if an unarmed democratic civil insurrection can succeed in a country like Sudan, it can succeed almost anywhere.
Dr. Stephen Zunes is a Professor of Politics and International Studies at the University of San Francisco, where he serves as coordinator of the program in Middle Eastern Studies. Recognized as one the country’s leading scholars of U.S. Middle East policy and of strategic nonviolent action, Professor Zunes serves as a senior policy analyst for Foreign Policy in Focus project of the Institute for Policy Studies, an associate editor of Peace Review, and a contributing editor of Tikkun.
For a quick post about a mural in Sudan thanking Stephen Zunes and NVI's longtime Executive Director Michael Beer, please see: https://www.nonviolenceinternational.net/sudan_mural
Celebrating 30 Years of Nonviolence International
Daryn Cambridge
Check out this video produced by our friends at
Nonviolence International NY
https://daryncambridge.com/
This is part of a series celebrating our proud history and calling us to do even more in the years to come.
Here is the full interview with Daryn:
While you are on this page meeting Daryn, you might also enjoy this video on teaching and learning peace online.